In Poland, we know everything about the fight against Illiberal regimes. Here are our lessons for Trump Age | Jarosław Kuisz and Karolina Wigura star-news.press/wp

AndN 2016, a year after the right-handed populist law and justice, they won the total majority in Poland, there was a knock on the door. The young journalist’s mother opened. It was a security service with her astonishment looking for her son. No details are listed. Thus, an informal government campaign against the media and civil society in Poland, including our Thinktank, started Culture liberal. After hearing news about the journalist, we called Alexander Smolar. The legendary anti-communist dissidence, who led his own non-governmental organization, told us that security services were also trying to organize “informal” meetings with his staff. And he comforted us, “Don’t worry, we had a book for this type of situation since the 1960s.”

At that time, we almost traveled back on time. We talked about responding to this new regime as if we were once again under communism. What is striking in retrospect is that we all knew what to do. Our Eastern European political culture, shaped by historical disasters, has developed some antibodies against oppressive strength. Over the past centuries, the state is often deleted from a folder or occupied by foreign aggressors. An accident initiative spark.

So what advice did our former dissident give us? We first started speaking publicly about what was going on. Second, we demanded that the security of the security service presented its actions in writing and legal justification. As a result, the campaign disappeared as faster as it appeared.

But political harassment continued in other forms. The more authorities conquered, the more elaborate (or raw) stigmatization of ideological opponents. It soon is one thing that became clear: as in communism, the political battlefield was everywhere. He touched every area of ​​public life. The establishment of our Thinktank in democracy, we never imagined to face political invisions. That was naive.

Our struggle did not end with the Polish Liberal Opposition Victory in 2023. years. Moreover, political attacks now take a transatlantic form. As the American Vice President JD, in February showed clearly in his Munich in February, in which he attacked European leaders, the American correction of populism has global ambitions.

So, here is a handful of suggestions for Americans and others that look disoriented and overwhelmed.

First: Go further digital activism. Wave Anti-trump Street Demonstration recently swallowed through the United States. In the age of social media, it could look like an outdated or secondary tactics. But it’s not. At the time of communication without effort and internet petitions, physical work is essential twice as much. He sends a non-verbal message of urgency and sacrifice, and – more importantly – signaling a call for fellow citizens to join. These protests should be regular and designed for long transport. They should be guided by citizens. Initially, flexible horizontal structures, ready for a quick response, it turned out to be in practice in our experience more efficient.

Second: No ageism, please. As our history shows that the populism in government is contrast only if intergenerational solidarity takes place. We heard that the journalist dulwroed that New York, anti-trick protest crowd crooked. We are so ours in Poland! However, over time, younger people joined themselves as populism loads became more personal. Again – variety is most important. Not only in communication tools, but in the social makeup of the movement protest.

Third: It’s always the Constitution, stupid. One mark of authoritarianism is the erosion of constitutional law. It is not about abstract legal theories – it is about changing the state rules without formal approval. Donald Trump’s Mission About a potential third time are the main example. The American Constitution is clearly prohibited. But only the mentions signals willingness to work outside the legal order. Polish populists broke the constitution almost immediately after the occupancy of government. The consequences are still with us. What helped maintain a detailed record of key legal offenses.

Just as important documenting a civil society repression – like examples with which this article opened. In the age of shorter attention, civil society must archive the illegality of populism – for fast and efficient responsibility afterwards. The constitution is the terrain of the battlefield.

Fourth: Don’t leave. Populists in power try to persuade neutral officials, such as public prosecutors, to resign from their government positions. Ideally, they want to feel their political opponents from the country. But don’t let them forced you to exile if you can help you; The resistance on the ground will be crucial, just as it was for the numbers in the anti-communist opposition in Eastern Europe before 1989. years.

Fifth: a plan in advance. Perhaps the most miraculous task expands the hand to those with whom you have political disagreements. The facts are difficult to ignore: in democracies, the populists won through the elections. It will not be changed, but 10-20% of voters in the center can be crucial.

The refund of power is possible, but requires double access. Use social media to shape political narratives. But also, turn off. Involve into the political plane mode. Think in the long run. They are not caught in the news or buried under the “flood of the zone”, the avalanche of the absurd populists are used to carry their critics.

Plan for the next presidential election. It is not enough to promise justice and institutional repair. You also need a temporary vision – a positive, practical alternative to the populist program. Without her, the fuel is pulled out – even if you beat the choice. And have patience. Ultimately, the struggle for democracy is never just one elective choice. Populism existed even in Periclean Athens. Why the struggle for liberal democracy requires a warm heart and cold head. This is the nucleus of anti-authortation playbooks.

• Jarosław Kuisz is the editor-in-chief of the Polish Week Culture Liberal and the author of the Poland Policy: the case of post-traumatic sovereignty

• Karolina Wigura is Polish historian and co-author Post-traumatic sovereignty: Essay (why is the Eastern European mentality different)