EPASvitlana says her daughter loved his school in Poland.
“Even when we moved to another area, she didn’t want to change schools,” says a 31-year-old Ukrainian mother. “She liked her so much. There was no bullying.”
Now says the atmosphere in the school – and in Poland overall – it has changed.
“Two weeks ago, she came home and said that one boy told me today,” Come back to Ukraine. ” Svitlana was stunned.
She is one of tens of Ukraine living in Poland who said the BBC that anti-Ukrainian feeling increased in the last few months.
Many described abuse in public transport, bullying in schools and xenophobic material on the network.
The polarization of the presidential election campaign is added to the tension, with the first circle of voting that takes place on Sunday.
The day after Svitlana’s daughter was told to return to Ukraine, the abuse became worse.
“Girls from the class above began to complain about her voice Ukrainian. Then they pretended to fall to the ground shouting” rockets! “Get down!” And laughing, “Svitlana says.” She came home crying. “
The Russian rocket in Ukraine has violated the hometown of Sitlan in Ukraine in Ukraine, killing civilians, including children. Her daughter is traumatized.
Svitlana – Not her real name didn’t want to identify as she fears from reprisals. It showed us the message screens with school staff where complaining about your daughter’s treatment.
She said she noticed attitudes that change in Ukraine elsewhere: “There were many people in work that Ukrainians come here and behave that Polish do not accept us.” They intimidate us. “
According to state statistics, at least 2.5 million Ukrainians live in Poland, and consists of almost 7% of the total population of Poland.
When the full invasion in Ukraine began in February 2022. year, there was a spill of compassion from the poles. “It was amazing. Daily people called, asked,” How can we help? “” Says the activist Natalia Panchenko, the head “Stand with Ukraine”.
“Some of them organized humanitarian convoys or brought refugees here. They gave their houses, food, everything they have – and their hearts.”
Three years later Natalia says that he believes that most poles still support Ukraine. But some not – and her organization noticed an increase in anti-Ukrainian internet abuse that began a few months ago.
“Then it began to come to real life,” she says. “We recently have more and more such situations … xenophobic (abuse) people who work in stores or hotels just because they talk to Ukrainian accents.”
Natalia says that many Ukrainian refugees are traumatized. “These groups of women and children are in Poland because of the war, very often their relatives are on the front line, in captivity or dead … and this is a group of people who are targeted.”
The research suggests that the public opinion of Ukraine in Poland is really a deterioration. According to the poll 2025. The respective CBO, only 50% of pillars in favor of accepting Ukrainian refugees, a decline of seven percentages in four months. Two years ago, the number was 81%.
About a million Ukrainians officially registered as arrived after the beginning of the full invasion. Poland consumes 4.2% of its GDP on Ukrainian refugees.
EPAUkraine has become a political issue of a hot button in Poland key presidential election campaign.
Away the right populist Slawomir Mentzen, currently eligible third, the anti-Ukrainian and supported “agreement” with Russian Vladimir Putin.
In second place, the Conservative Carol Nawrocki, who opposes EU and NATO membership for Ukraine and financial assistance for refugees, but supports war effort.
The most pro-Ukrainian candidate is the front runner of Rafal Trzaskowski from the Prime Minister Donald Tusk coalition, although he even promised a reduction in social welfare for Ukraine.
Trzaskowski refrained from committing his secretary credentials to attract the centrist’s voice in the elections, says the political analyst Marcin Zaborowski.
“Responds to a change in public attitudes. Initial enthusiasm to support war victims disappears, negative feelings take over and is not a fully pleasant question for him.”
Another end right candidate, Grzegorz Brown, is under investigation to dry the Ukrainian flag from the City Hall building during the election gathering in April. Brown, which does not choose only 3%, regularly suffocated what he calls “Ukrainian Poland.”
Last week, the Polish government warned the “unseen attempt” of Russia to interfere in the Polish elections by spreading “false information among field citizens.” Moscow denies all allegations of mixing elections.
Michal Marek, who runs a non-governmental organization, which accompanies the misinformation and propaganda in Poland, offers some examples of anti-Ukrainian materials circulating on social media.
“The main narratives are that Ukrainians steal money from the Polish budget, that Ukrainians do not respect us, that they want to loot us and kill us and are responsible for war,” he says.
“This information starts the telegram of the Russian language, and then we see the same photos and the same text just translated Google Translate. And they push (material) in the Polish InfoSphere.”
Mr. Marek connects such a misinformation directly with the increase in anti-Ukrainian feelings in Poland, and says that an increasing number of pillars becomes affecting propaganda.
“But we will only see the effect after the election – which percentage of poles wants to vote for openly through Prorus candidates.”
2025-05-14 05:00:00
