Is a red ivory card red card of ivory its own goal for democracy after Ban Tidjana Thiam star-news.press/wp

Even the Star International Business Career cannot prepare for the difficult reality of Ivory Coast, where some question the Democratic Credentials of the West African Nation, the most famous for most of the world’s cocoa and some of their best footballers.

It is a painful lesson of Tidjana Thiam learns while waiting for you to see if they are made in the hallways of power and the popular pressure of the mileage can save your offer to become president of ivory.

Apparently ruthless progress in relation to the electorate for this October came to stop Judgment on 22. April, when the judge was losing that 62-year-olds were lost by taking French citizenship and disappointing him to the end for this year’s vote.

Launching on the Ivory Coast 2022. year after two decades in global finances, then it was certain as a potential context for the success of the current head of Alassane Ouattar, which is in 83. years now in the last year of his third term.

The volume of a traditional noble family And the great nephew of the president of the country’s founding in the country, Félix Houchouët-Boigny, impressed as the highest government officer and Minister in 1990s, monitoring the development of infrastructure and radical economic reform.

The Military Cup encouraged Thiam to seek a fresh career abroad, which culminated in high squares as the Giant Boventialty Executive Directory, followed by the Suisse banking system.

But the return home in the end, three years ago, a stable progress has been progressing towards the next Ivorian presidential choice.

After the death of the former President Henri Konana Bedia, the Doducent Leader of ivory (PDCi), Thiam was perfectly located to take his place, and then 17. April this year, the party’s forthcoming presidential race.

It was not a wins, especially if it seems, as it seems quite credible Ouattar, was decided on the fourth expression, supported by all funds and advantages in four consecutive years of economic growth above 6%.

However, Thiam pointed out as the main alternative.

As an opponent of the ruling expensive Houchoutist for democracy and peace (RHDP), he offered Ivoririan voters the opportunity to change his government.

However, with its centrist policy and solid technocratic credentials, its candidacy offered convincing competence and prospects to continue the impressive economic progress that Ouattara piloted since 2011.

Now that potential trajectory is blocked. If the court decision stands – and the Ivorical law does not offer the possibility of appealing this particular issue – Thiam will be out of the competition in October.

It is a race from which the verdicts of the last Court have already excluded three prominent opposition numbers – former Prime Minister Guillaume Soro and former Minister in political crises and civil conflicts paralyzed the progress of ivory coasts between 1999. and 2011. years.

The prospectus is now that Ouattara or any selected candidate for the successor to the RHDP approach elections without facing any difficult political challenge.

This can only be deepened by the innovations already widespread popular disappointment with the country’s political state.

This is against the wider context of West Africa in which the radical anti-politics of soldiers who seized power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger already finds a cute audience among many disappointed young people.

This is really important in societies in which three-quarters of the population are usually under 35.

In the middle of this crisis for West African democracy, there was some encouragement moments.

In Liberia 2023. years In Senegal and Ghana last yearAccording to governments, they were voted, free and fair elections whose results were accepted by all competitors without argument.

Senegal score, especially, Owes a much massive enthusiastic mobilization of young.

Many hoped that the Ivory Coast could offer a further positive example of democratic choice and offer changes, and an example that could be increasingly influential because the country is a prosperous regional power plant.

It is the economic engine of the CFA Franc unique block, and apart from the cocoa industry, it is also a key hub for business services and finances and a leading political voice in regional grouping, the economic community of the West African state (Ecowas).

What happens in the Ivory Coast really importantly and widely noticed, throughout West Africa and indeed, also through Francophone Africa in general.

Ouattara is one of the most prominent statesmen of the continent, ordering in broad respect internationally.

And yet, they grow for key next presidential elections in the country has become a number of identity policy that equated bitter disputes and instability in the 1990s and 2000s.

Then the governments of the First Badié, then Gbagbo used a controversial “Ivoirité”, which means that “Ivorian-Ness” Law leased by an excluding presidency based on what his family allegedly had foreign origin.

It was only in 2007. Pronalver ban on his candidacy and only in 2016. years – when he was already in operation – that the new constitution finally finished the request that the parents of the Presidential candidates.

The poisonous mobilization of identity issues was the main factor of contributions to civil wars, street violence and the northern separatist partition that brutally scored Ivory Coasts over a decade, by 2011. year, at a price of thousands of lives.

Today, the earth feels far from such a big conflict.

There is no popular appetite to return to conflict and politicians remain well from flammable rhetoric past.

But Thiam Saga shows how Identity issues, even in legalist form and in this we hope that the calm era can still be strongly weighed.

Ivory Coast allows only double nationality under certain limited conditions.

Thus, in his judgment, Abidjan, under the conditions of a slightly used independence law after independence, pulled his Ivorian citizenship almost four decades ago when he had acquired French nationality – after a few years in Paris.

Although he officially surrendered that this February and thus automatically recovered his original nationality, this was too late to involve on this year’s registry of voters or candidates who meet the right.

In vain, his lawyers claimed that through his father, he had French citizenship from birth – which, if accepted, released him from a dual nationality ban.

Wanting to highlight the absurd and inconsistencies of the situation, he claimed that the state should now return the esteemed 2024 the African Cup of the Soccer Title, because many players also have French citizenship.

“If we apply the law on the way (that), they just applied it to me, we must return the cup to Nigeria – because half of the team was not Ivorian,” Told the BBC.

And on Thursday, another return would bring to the scheduled interrogation of the court where the judge can now rule that Thiam cannot as non-national, lead the PDCI.

For the past two weeks, they saw a continuous political and legal hearing of this entire Saga, and the Thiam Camp is hoping that a combination of popular pressure and discreet political negotiations will lead to a compromise that allow him in the presidential race, perhaps with other excluded candidacies.

And Ouattara, whether to decide not to work, may want to protect his impressive log and provides his international reputation with an intervention with some kind of contract that allows you to run.

With months to move before the survey, there is still time for that. But no one counts on it.

Paul Melly is a consultation with the African program in Chatham House in London.